Urban Unrest and Militant Protest
The landmark Civil Rights Law of 1964 had barely
gone into effect when a serious race riot erupted in Harlem. Racial
disturbances occurred that summer in several other northern ghettos. A year
later, the black ghetto of Watts in Los Angeles, California, exploded in
violence. For the next two summers, dozens of other riots broke out across the
country. Many were sparked by fights between blacks and white police officers.
A special presidential commission looked into the
reasons behind the riots. They found that despite all of the court decisions,
sit-ins, marches, and boycotts, the average black American was still living
with the crippling effects of segregation, discrimination and, above all,
racism.
When Martin Luther King, Jr., was assassinated in
1968, a new wave of riots spread across the country. A report by the National
Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, appointed by President Lyndon Johnson,
identified more than 150 riots between 1965 and 1968. In 1967 alone, 83 people
were killed (most of them black), 1,800 were injured, and property valued at
more than $100 million was destroyed.
The 1970s
For the most part, the 1970s and 1980s cast a
shadow over the dreams of black Americans for racial justice and equality. With
the exception of the years of Jimmy Carter’s presidency from 1976 to 1980, it
was a time when blacks first felt neglected, then threatened. There was little
attempt to enforce existing civil rights laws. Very few blacks were named to
top positions in the federal government. Schools and businesses felt less pressure
to recruit minorities to make up for the unfair practices of the past,
especially after white men began to complain about “reverse discrimination.”
Jimmy Carter’s election to the presidency in 1976
held out the promise of a new way of thinking. Although he did name several
blacks to high-level positions, President Carter did come under fire for not
doing enough to help the vast majority of black Americans. During his
administration the effects of a shaky economy—marked by high inflation and gas
shortages—hit blacks especially hard. The Iran hostage crisis of 1979 added to
the nation’s depressed mood and paved the way for a return to Republican
control of the White House in 1980.
Black Pride—The 1980s
When President Ronald Reagan took office, blacks
once again found themselves shut out of the highest levels of government.
Although he insisted that his moves to strengthen the economy helped all
Americans, blacks as well as whites, President Reagan opposed or ignored many
issues of interest to black Americans. Also, he appointed conservative judges
to various federal courts who struck down many programs that had been designed
to make up for past discrimination against minorities.
Discouraged by these setbacks, some blacks decided
that the only way to make progress on issues of importance to black Americans
was to reject traditional politics. A few looked into alternative movements,
including the Nation of Islam and Afrocentrism, which stressed the value of
black culture and the black experience (especially its African roots). The
chief characteristic of the black experience in the 1970s and the early 1980s
was the development of black consciousness and black pride. These values found
renewed vigor as increasing numbers of blacks came to believe that the key to
dealing with problems of race in the United States was in the way they felt
about themselves as individuals and as a group.
By the late 1980s, there were black mayors in many
of our country’s larger cities and some of its smaller ones, too. Black
representation in state legislatures, school boards, and state courts was also
increasing, especially in the South. One of the symbolic victories that
contributed to this new sense of self-determination and self-recognition among
black Americans was the establishment of the Martin Luther King, Jr. national
holiday in 1983.
When George H.W. Bush took office as president in
January 1989, some blacks thought he would reverse the trends of the Reagan
years and revive the “Second Reconstruction.” The early signs were really
hopeful. President Bush named General Colin Powell head of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff and made Dr. Louis Sullivan secretary of the Department of Health and
Human Services. He repeatedly expressed his admiration for the ideals of Martin
Luther King, Jr., and observed the national holiday honoring the slain civil
rights activists. President Bush also welcomed African National Congress leader
Nelson Mandela to the White House in 1990.
The 1990s
By mid-1990, however, many blacks began to question
President Bush’s sincerity on issues of importance to black Americans. They
thought he had been too eager to support the white minority government in South
Africa. Blacks were outraged when Bush vetoed the 1991 Civil Rights Bill
because he felt that it contained unconstitutional employment quotas. In
addition, many blacks did not support U.S. involvement in the Persian Gulf War
or the nomination of Clarence Thomas to the United States Supreme Court.
Years of anger and frustration came to a head in
April 1992 after four white Los Angeles policemen were found “not guilty” in
the 1991 beating of black motorist Rodney King. Immediately following the
verdict, Los Angeles experienced the worst riots in American history.
Disturbances broke out in several other cities, too. Not since the civil rights
era of the 1950s and 1960s had there been so much protest.
In November 1992, a large number of white voters
joined with an overwhelming majority of black voters to demand a change.
Republican George H.W. Bush was turned out of office after only one term and
Democrat Bill Clinton was elected. At this time, the ongoing economic
recession, not the Los Angeles riot, was the topic on everyone’s mind. As a
result of the elections, the Congressional Black Caucus grew from twenty-five
members to thirty-nine.
Although President Clinton chose several blacks and
other minorities for positions in his cabinet, many black Americans adopted a
“wait and see” attitude toward this new administration. Some blacks questioned
the sincerity of Clinton’s commitment to a “Black Agenda.” They pointed out
that he had campaigned heavily among middle-class whites, and avoided Jesse
Jackson and other more outspoken black leaders. During the campaign, Clinton
had never presented any concrete plans for dealing with problems unique to the
black community.
Many blacks also felt that Clinton had stumbled
badly on a number of issues of importance to black Americans. Many blacks were
upset with Clinton about his decision to return Haitian refugees to their
country, a policy he had condemned during his campaign. Others were
disappointed by the defeat of his job creation bill, which they blamed on an
ineffective White House strategy. Perhaps the biggest blow came when President
Clinton withdrew Lani Guinier’s nomination to head the civil rights
division of the Justice Department. Black Americans are increasingly
recognizing what they have contributed to the national culture and the global
community and the extent of what they still have to offer.
1. During
the 1970s and 1980s,
a.
the progress made in the civil rights movement was
more evident than ever.
b.
civil
rights progress seemed to slow significantly.
c.
waves of riots spread through the country.
d.
racism returned with renewed strength.
2. Why was
the early part of Jimmy Carter’s presidency considered a time of a new way of
thinking?
a.
Carter was a Democrat.
b.
He promised to fix racial inequality once and for
all.
c.
The economy was marked by high inflation and gas
shortages.
d.
President
Carter named several African Americans to high-level positions.
4. Why did
some African Americans begin to reject traditional politics and to join
alternative movements such as the Nation of Islam and Afrocentrism during the
1980s?
a.
They
felt that efforts toward racial equality were still not working and they needed
to try different paths.
b.
They realized that a mass return to Africa and
acceptance of a new religion was the only answer.
c.
They knew that violence had become the only answer.
d.
They had been deceived by Dr. Martin Luther King’s
message of peace.
5. What is a
part of the meaning of “Black Pride”?
a.
Black
Americans should be proud of their race and heritage.
b.
Blacks Americans must separate themselves once and
for all from white Americans.
c.
Black Americans must resolve to make a mass return
to Africa.
d.
Black Americans must consider white Americans their
brothers in humanity.
6. Why did
President H.W. Bush’s sincerity on civil rights issues come into question
during the 1990s?
a.
He appointed African Americans to high-level
positions in the government.
b.
He neglected the black voters during his campaign
for the presidency.
c.
He
vetoed the 1991 Civil Rights Bill on a question of constitutionality.
d.
He did not support America’s involvement in the
Persian Gulf War.
7. Why was
there so much violence even after the various civil rights acts had been
passed?
a.
All whites refused to accept the changes.
b.
Blacks and whites could obviously not get along.
c.
Human beings are inherently violent.
d.
Blacks
were still coping with segregation, discrimination, and racism.
8. During the last three decades of the twentieth
century, efforts to reach racial equality in America were
a.
finally successful.
b.
struggling
but still in progress.
c.
at a total stand-still.
d. hopeless.
9. Consider the future of the United States of
America. How can the people of this nation apply lessons learned from the
courageous struggles of African Americans to ensure that the promise of “life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” becomes a reality for each and every
person?
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